Category: Best Walking Tours

Alexander Hamilton and John Laurens: Brotherhood, Ideals, and the Revolutionary War

January 6, 2026 Tags: ,
John Laurens, Alexander Hamilton

Few friendships of the American Revolution were as intense, idealistic, and emotionally resonant as that between Alexander Hamilton and John Laurens. Forged in wartime and sustained through passionate correspondence, their bond was built on shared values, military ambition, and a belief that the Revolution should live up to its bold promises. Their letters reveal not only political thinking, but an emotional intimacy that still surprises modern readers—and helps explain why their friendship features so prominently in Hamilton the musical.

Hamilton and Laurens met in 1777 while serving as aides-de-camp to George Washington. Both were young, brilliant, and impatient with half-measures. In their letters, they wrote about honor, reputation, and the meaning of liberty, often blending political philosophy with personal affection. Hamilton once wrote candidly to Laurens:

“Cold in my professions, warm in my friendships, I wish it were in my power to tell you how much I love you.”¹

While such language was not unheard of among 18th-century gentlemen, the frequency and depth of their correspondence suggest an unusually close bond. Laurens was a confidant—someone Hamilton trusted with his frustrations, ambitions, and moral convictions.

Shared Ideals and Revolutionary Purpose

What truly united Hamilton and Laurens was a shared vision of what the Revolution should achieve. Laurens was among the most outspoken abolitionists of his generation, advocating the enlistment and emancipation of enslaved men in South Carolina. Hamilton strongly supported the idea, writing:

“I wish, my dear Laurens, it might be in my power… to convince Congress to adopt your plan.”²

Their alignment on slavery—radical for the era—reveals how both men believed independence meant more than separation from Britain.

Brothers in Arms

Hamilton and Laurens were also brothers in uniform, bound by danger and ambition. They belonged to Washington’s inner military “family,” alongside figures like the Marquis de Lafayette. They wrote often about glory, risk, and the frustrations of staff duty. Hamilton once worried that Laurens was “too fond of glory,” a concern that reflected his own willingness to court danger.³

Loss and Legacy

Laurens’ death in 1782—killed in a minor skirmish after the war was effectively over—devastated Hamilton. Writing to General Nathanael Greene, Hamilton mourned:

“Poor Laurens! He has fallen in a paltry skirmish… The world will feel the loss of a man who has left few equals behind him.”⁴

The grief was lasting. Laurens’ death came just as the ideals he fought for seemed within reach, leaving Hamilton—and the new nation—to carry on without him.

Hamilton the musical captures the energy of this friendship—its urgency, idealism, and tragedy—even if it compresses the history. In life, Hamilton and Laurens believed the Revolution could remake the world. In death, Laurens became one of the sacrifices that made that vision possible.

On the Hamilton & Washington in New York walking tour, their friendship is explored as a window into a younger, more radical generation within Washington’s army—men who debated liberty late into the night, challenged each other’s assumptions, and imagined an America that did not yet exist. Standing in the very places where Hamilton later shaped the nation, visitors are invited to consider how much of his vision was forged not only in battle, but in friendship.

  1. Alexander Hamilton to John Laurens, April 28, 1778, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-01-02-0064.
  2. Alexander Hamilton to John Laurens, March 14, 1779, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-02-02-0245.
  3. Alexander Hamilton to John Laurens, June 1779, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-02-02-0270.
  4. (Note: Some June 1779 letters are undated or partially dated; this citation reflects standard archival usage.)
  5. Alexander Hamilton to Nathanael Greene, January 26, 1783, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0204.

“A Most Critical Comma”: Hamilton, Angelica, and Their Flirty and Witty Correspondence

November 26, 2025 Tags: , ,
NYC Hamilton Tour

The surviving letters between Alexander Hamilton and his sister‑in‑law, Angelica Schuyler Church, offer a tantalizing glimpse into a relationship that—though publicly familial—was steeped in warmth, wit, and an emotional intimacy that has fascinated historians and the public alike. . . and informed the song “Satisfied” in the Hamilton musical. While some of their exchanges were clever and even flirtatious, the release of the “Reynolds Pamphlet” in 1797 seems to have altered the dynamic irrevocably.

From one of their more famous exchanges, written 6 December 1787, Hamilton wrote to Angelica:

“You ladies despise the pedantry of punctuation. There was a most critical comma in your last letter. It is my interest that it should have been designed; but I presume it was accidental. Unriddle this if you can. The proof that you do it rightly may be given by the omission or repetition of the same mistake in your next.” (1)

That playful reference to punctuation—a “most critical comma”—caught the public imagination thanks to modern dramatic retellings of their story. But the real letters show a more ambiguous tone. Hamilton closes that letter, after complimenting her and her husband, with a warm: “Adieu ma chere, soeur” — “my dear sister.” (2)

Angelica’s side of the correspondence shows similar intimacy. In a letter from 2 October 1787, writing from London, she confessed to some melancholy and longing for home:

“Indeed my dear, Sir if my path was strewed with as many roses, as you have filled your letter with compliments, I should not now lament my absence from America … but even Hope is weary…” (3)

The comma after “my dear,” rather than “my dear Sir,” is what appears to have triggered Hamilton’s response.

And, expressing how much she missed his company, she told him in a letter dated 4 February 1790:

“I regret America, I regret the separation from my friends and I lament the loss of your society… I cannot now relish the gay world.” (4)

Such phrasing — “loss of your society,” “lament”—suggests an intimacy beyond casual family courtesy. Hamilton wrote to her in 1787, “I seldom write to a lady without fancying the relation of lover and mistress.”  In his letters, Hamilton referred to the “relation of lover and mistress” in a playful way, showing the suggestive undertones of their exchanges. 

Given the constraints and social norms of their time, that admission stands out. But whether their affection went beyond the verbally remains a matter of speculation.

That ambiguity became sharpened after the scandal. The Reynolds Pamphlet, published by Hamilton in 1797, publicly disclosed his affair with Maria Reynolds and financial dealings with her husband — a decision that forever destabilized his private and public life.

Although none of Angelica’s known surviving letters explicitly address the affair or the pamphlet, the tone of their later correspondence noticeably cools. After 1789–1790, her letters tend to refer to him as “dear friend” or “dear Brother,” rarely revisit the playful punctuation banter, and emphasize familial duty.

In historical retrospect, this shifting tone suggests that the scandal may have introduced restraint and distance.  Previously, the tone of their correspondence had been undeniably flirtatious, but it remains unclear whether that teasing warmth hinted at genuine romantic feeling or simply reflected their shared wit and charm.

1. Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church, December 6, 1787, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-04-02-0172.

2. Ibid.

3. Angelica Church to Alexander Hamilton, October 2, 1787, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-04-02-0144.

4. Angelica Church to Alexander Hamilton, February 4, 1790, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-06-02-0127.

The Remarkable Roeblings and the Making of the Brooklyn Bridge

November 13, 2025 Tags: , ,
Best-Brooklyn-Tour

The Remarkable Roeblings and the Making of the Brooklyn Bridge

Few landmarks embody New York’s spirit of ambition and ingenuity like the Brooklyn Bridge. Completed in 1883, this engineering marvel linked Manhattan and Brooklyn for the first time, transforming both cities and shaping the destiny of the young nation. Behind this iconic achievement stood three extraordinary figures—John A. Roebling, Colonel Washington Roebling, and Emily Warren Roebling—whose combined brilliance, perseverance, and sacrifice made the impossible possible. Their story is a central highlight of our Best of Brooklyn/Brooklyn Revolution The Best of Brooklyn Walking Tour, where we explore how the fight for freedom, innovation, and identity continued long after the American Revolution.

John Roebling: The Visionary Engineer

German-born engineer John A. Roebling was already renowned for his pioneering wire-rope suspension bridges, such as the Cincinnati-Covington Bridge, when he proposed a bold new project in the 1860s: a massive suspension bridge stretching across the East River. His design was revolutionary—using steel cables (a Roebling innovation) and Gothic stone towers that would become two of the nation’s most iconic architectural symbols. Roebling envisioned the bridge not just as a feat of engineering, but as a unifying civic triumph that would link the rapidly growing city of Brooklyn with the commercial powerhouse of Manhattan.

Tragically, Roebling never saw construction begin. A crushing accident on the Brooklyn pier led to his death in 1869. But his vision lived on through his son.

Washington Roebling: The Relentless Builder

Colonel Washington Roebling, trained by his father and battle-tested as a Civil War officer, took command of the project at the age of 32. Under his leadership, the team constructed the massive underwater caissons—giant wooden chambers pressurized with air—that allowed workers to dig the foundations of the bridge’s towers deep into the riverbed.

This work came at a tremendous cost. Many laborers suffered from “caisson’s disease,” but Washington himself became the most famous victim. The illness, now understood as decompression sickness, or “the bends,” left him partially paralyzed and confined to his Brooklyn Heights home. Conventional leadership became impossible. But the project did not stop.

Emily Roebling: The Bridge’s Unsung Hero

In stepped Emily Warren Roebling, whose role became legendary. Emily served as Washington’s eyes, ears, and voice on the construction site. She mastered the most complex engineering concepts, relayed her husband’s instructions, negotiated with politicians, and reassured skeptical investors. For over a decade, Emily became the indispensable link that kept the story of the Brooklyn Bridge alive.

When the bridge finally opened on May 24, 1883, Emily rode across it in a ceremonial carriage—the first person ever to cross the finished span.

Explore the Roeblings’ Legacy on the Brooklyn Revolution Tour

The story of the Brooklyn Bridge is about more than cables and towers; it’s about family, resilience, and the evolution of America’s ideals. On our Best of Brooklyn/Brooklyn Revolution Tour, we trace the neighborhood’s history from the Revolutionary era to the Roeblings’ soaring 19th-century achievement. You’ll stand near Washington Roebling’s residence, see key viewpoints of the bridge, and discover how Brooklyn’s spirit of innovation connects the fight for independence with the triumph of one of the world’s greatest engineering feats. You’ll also visit DUMBO, Brooklyn Heights, and Brooklyn Bridge Park with fantastic vistas and American history from the Revolutionary War to the Civil War and beyond. You’ll see New York City in a new way!

Join us and experience the Best of Brooklyn/Brooklyn Revolution Walking Tour.

Exploring Central Park’s Secret Northern End: Hidden History, Scenic Trails & Peaceful Escapes

November 4, 2025 Tags: , , , ,
Best Central Park Walking Tour

When most visitors think of Central Park, they picture Bethesda Terrace, the Bow Bridge, or the Great Lawn. Yet the park’s northern end — stretching from 100th Street to 110th Street — offers some of its most serene and spectacular landscapes, richest history, and least-crowded experiences. From the woodlands of the North Woods to the elegant Conservatory Garden and the historic forts of the Revolutionary War, this part of Central Park is a hidden gem that rewards those who venture beyond the familiar.

The North Woods: A Wilderness in Manhattan

At 40 acres, the North Woods is the largest of Central Park’s three woodlands, designed to evoke the feeling of the Adirondack forest. Winding paths, rustic bridges, and a serene stream known as the Loch make it a tranquil retreat right in the heart of Manhattan. Visitors can follow the Ravine Trail through dense oaks and maples, listening to waterfalls that flow from the Pool at 100th Street down to the Harlem Meer.

This area is a paradise for birdwatchers and photographers alike. You’ll find migrating warblers in spring, red-tailed hawks soaring above, and even the occasional heron fishing in the waters below. For locals and visitors seeking nature and solitude, the North Woods is one of the best-kept secrets of Central Park’s northern end.

The Conservatory Garden: Central Park’s Only Formal Garden

A short walk east of the North Woods, lies the Conservatory Garden — a masterpiece of landscape design and one of the park’s most peaceful places. You’ll find three distinct styles: the Italianate garden with its grand fountain and terraces, the French garden with seasonal tulips and the fountain of Three Dancing Maidens, and the English garden featuring a reflecting pool and lush perennials.

The fully-restored Conservatory Garden is an oasis of tranquility far from the park’s busier southern half. It’s also a favorite destination when flowers and foliage are at their peak. For anyone searching for romantic spots in Central Park or hidden gems in Upper Manhattan, this is a must-see.

Revolutionary Forts, History & Hidden Stories

Few visitors realize that the northern end of Central Park played an important defensive role in New York City’s Revolutionary War and War of 1812 history. The park’s high points — Fort Clinton, Fort Fish, and Nutter’s Battery — were part of a line of defensive fortifications built by American forces in 1814 during the War of 1812, on or near earlier Revolutionary War positions. The oldest original structure in the park is a Blockhouse from the War of 1812. The views of Harlem and the Bronx from its bluff are impressive.

Go Beyond the Map: Discover the Secret Places of Central Park

Want to uncover even more of Central Park’s hidden history, forgotten forts, and surprising stories? You’ll learn about Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux’s vision for the first large-scale public park in the United States. You’ll also discover the fascinating pre-park history, including the Seneca Village community, an African American and immigrant community that preceded the park’s construction. Join Revolutionary Tours NYC for the acclaimed Secret Places of Central Park Tour — a deep dive into the park’s untold history, design secrets, and natural wonders. Led by a passionate historian, this immersive walking tour reveals areas most visitors never find on their own — from mysterious arches and hidden trails to sites where history was made.

Book your Secret Places of Central Park experience today at RevolutionaryToursNYC.com and see America’s greatest urban park in a whole new light.

The Hamilton & Burr Duel Letters

September 2, 2025 Tags: , , ,
Best Hamilton Tour in New York City

The duel between Aaron Burr and Alexander Hamilton on July 11, 1804 was one of the most infamous events in American history, rooted in fierce political rivalry and personal animosity. Their conflict erupted after a contentious New York gubernatorial race, where Burr, then Vice President, lost to Morgan Lewis, partly due to Hamilton’s vocal opposition to his candidacy. The final catalyst for the duel came when a letter from Dr. Charles D. Cooper, published in the Albany Register, accused Hamilton of describing Burr as an untrustworthy “dangerous man,” and of having expressed “a still more despicable opinion” of Burr.

The Cooper Letter in the Albany Register

Dr. Cooper’s letter read:

“I assert that Gen. Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared, in substance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of government.” (1)

Cooper further reported Hamilton’s supposed utterance of an even worse “despicable” opinion, which triggered Burr to confront Hamilton directly. This public airing of private resentments created a scandal Burr felt demanded satisfaction.

Burr’s Letters to Hamilton

Upon seeing Cooper’s published remarks, Burr sent his first challenge letter to Hamilton on June 18, 1804:

“You must perceive, sir, the necessity of a prompt and unqualified acknowledgement or denial of the use of any expression that would warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper.” (2)

Burr demanded Hamilton either confirm or deny he made the statements attributed to him. Hamilton’s reply was evasive, refusing a categorical answer, which inflamed the conflict. Burr followed up with another letter dated June 22:

“I relied with unsuspecting faith that from the frankness of a Soldier and the Candor of a gentleman I might expect an ingenuous declaration; that if, as I had reason to believe, you had used expressions derogatory to my honor, you would have had the Spirit to Maintain or the Magnanimity to retract them…” (3)

Burr made clear that only an explicit apology or retraction would suffice, expressing disappointment at what he saw as Hamilton’s equivocation.

Hamilton’s Responses

Hamilton’s replies were measured but firm. In his June 20, 1804 letter, Hamilton rebuffed Burr’s demand:

“I have become convinced, that I could not, without manifest impropriety, make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary.” (4)

Hamilton further explained that his statements about Burr were general political criticisms and not a direct attack on Burr’s honor. He conceded to “abide by the consequences,” implicitly accepting the possibility of a duel. Throughout these exchanges, Hamilton maintained a tone of civility and principle, while trying to avoid a public retraction and escalation, but Burr saw this as evasion.

The Path to the Duel

The repeated written refusals to apologize and escalating tone brought both men to an impasse. Burr closed his final letter:

“Thus, sir, you have invited the course I am about to pursue, and now your silence impose it upon me.” (5)

Hamilton, meanwhile, prepared drafts in case he would not survive, expressing his moral aversion to dueling but accepting the practical realities of honor and reputation in that era.

These exchanges show how the collision of politics and pride produced one of America’s defining moments, ending in Hamilton’s early demise and reshaping the early republic’s view of honor and violence.

The unfortunate conclusion of the Burr–Hamilton duel reveals a profound complexity at the heart of their relationship, shaped by fifteen years of political rivalry, deep-seated mistrust, and competing ambitions for influence in the new nation. Though both men had worked together in law and served in the American Revolution, their differences became irreconcilable as Burr’s flexible political allegiances repeatedly clashed with Hamilton’s principled Federalism, leading Hamilton to view Burr as an obstacle to the country’s future. Hamilton’s letter before the duel admitted no personal hatred, but emphasized his duty to oppose Burr for the greater good.

For both Hamilton and Burr, the concept of honor was not merely personal character, but a public currency essential for survival in the Early Republic. Burr’s demand for a full retraction was rooted in the era’s sometimes unforgiving standards, where reputation dictated power; refusing the challenge would have meant public humiliation and hence political death for either man. Hamilton, meanwhile, struggled with the moral consequences of dueling but understood that conceding would compromise his usefulness and legacy as a leader.  Ultimately, their ideas of honor forced them onto the dueling ground—not out of animosity alone, but from a belief that only through defending reputation could they uphold their dominance, even at ultimate personal cost. The heartbreak was not just in the loss of Hamilton’s life, but in the way their fixation on personal honor transformed a private quarrel into a moment that transformed early American political culture.

Explore Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr in the Hamilton & Washington in New York walking tour, offered as both a public and private tour. Book the tour today!

Sources:

  1. Founders Online: Enclosure: Charles D. Cooper to Philip Schuyler, April 23, 1804
  2. The June 18 Letter – Hamilton’s Choice
  3. Aaron Burr Challenges Alexander Hamilton, 1804 | Gilder Lehrman
  4. Hamilton-Burr Duel (U.S. National Park Service)
  5. Aaron Burr Challenges Alexander Hamilton, 1804 | Gilder Lehrman

Unity in Leadership: Washington’s 1783 Letter to Hamilton

March 27, 2025 Tags: , , , ,
Best Hamilton Tour in NYC

In March 1783, as the Revolutionary War drew to a close, George Washington drafted a letter from Newburgh, New York to his trusted associate Alexander Hamilton that revealed the depth of his vision for the newly independent United States. This letter reflects not only Washington’s happiness at the close of the war but also his concerns and vision for the future of the United States.

Unity

Washington’s letter reveals his optimism about the potential of the new nation to become “a great, respectable, and happy People” but also his awareness that realizing this vision would require more than just the end of the long conflict with England. Internal divisions, petty politics, and “unreasonable jealousies & prejudices,” he understood, could undermine the nation’s progress, making it vulnerable to foreign powers seeking to dissolve the government running under the Articles of Confederation through intervention.

Washington’s words serve as a powerful reminder of the importance of unity and cooperation in achieving greatness. He understood that the path to success was about building a strong, cohesive society where all citizens could thrive.

Reform

One of the most striking aspects of Washington’s letter is his prescience in his candid assessment of the defects in the existing Confederation and the need for reform and and a nation built upon “liberal & permanent principles.” He understood that many of the war’s challenges, including its prolongation and expense, were due to the lack of power vested in Congress. This insight highlights Washington’s foresight in recognizing the need for a more robust central government, a vision that he and Alexander Hamilton shared that would later shape the creation of the U.S. Constitution.

Washington’s call for reform was not simply intellectual; it was deeply personal. He had experienced firsthand the difficulties caused by a weak Congress during the war. The letter reveals his frustration with the “prejudices of some” and the “designs of others,” which made it challenging to implement needed reforms

Collaboration

What makes Washington’s letter truly remarkable is his willingness to collaborate and seek advice. He eagerly awaited Hamilton’s thoughts on these matters, demonstrating the value he placed on other perspectives. This approach to governance is still essential today, as leaders must navigate complex challenges and, for the betterment of the nation, engage with different viewpoints.

Lessons

Washington’s letter offers wisdom that resonates deeply in today’s divisive political landscape. His emphasis on unity, principled governance, and visionary leadership is a powerful reminder of how to build a strong and prosperous nation.

In an era marked by polarization, Washington’s words remind us of the importance of putting aside our differences and working towards common national goals. His call for a robust and effective government structure is a reminder that systemic issues must be addressed to ensure the well-being of all citizens.

Conclusion

George Washington’s letter to Alexander Hamilton is a blueprint for building a better future. It reminds us that the strength of a nation lies in its ability to unite, reform, and lead with vision and integrity. As we navigate the complexities of today, Washington’s letter stands as a testament to the enduring power of unity, collaboration, and principled leadership.

You can experience more about Washington & Hamilton’s visionary partnership on the Washington & Hamilton in New York Walking tour. Book it Today!

Here is the complete letter:

From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 31 March 1783

Newburgh 31st March 1783

Dear Sir,

I have duly received your favors of the 17th & 24 Ulto—I rejoice most exceedingly that there is an end to our Warfare, and that such a field is opening to our view as will, with wisdom to direct the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable, and happy People; but it must be improved by other means than state politics, and unreasonable jealousies & prejudices; or (it requires not the second sight to see that) we shall be instruments in the hands of our Enemies, & those European powers who May be jealous of our greatness, in Union to dissolve the confederation—but to attain this, altho’ the way seems extremely plain, is not so easy.

My wish to see the Union of these States established upon liberal & permanent principles—& inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the present Constitution, are equally great—All my private letters have teemed with these Sentiments, & whenever this topic has been the Subject of conversation, I have endeavoured to diffuse &enforce them; but how far any further essay, by me, might be productive of the wished for end–or– appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinions & the temper and disposition of People, that it is not easy to decide. I shall be obliged to you however for the thoughts which you have promised me on this Subject, and as soon as you can make it convenient.

No Man in the United States is, or can be more deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in our present Confederation than myself—No Man perhaps has felt the bad efects of it more sensibly; for to the defects thereof, & want of Powers in Congress may justly be ascribed the prolongation of the War, & consequently the Expences occasioned by it. More than half the perplexities I have experienced in the course of My command, and almost the whole of the difficulties & distress of, the Army, have there origin here; but still, the prejudices of some—the designs of others—and the mere Machinery of the Majority, makes address & management necessary to give weight to opinions which are to Combat the doctrines of these diferent classes of Men, in the field of Politics.

I would have been more full on this subject but the bearer (in the Clothing department) is waiting—I wish you may understand what I have written. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obed Servt

Go: Washington

P.S. The inclosed extract of a Letter to Mr Livingston, I give you in confidence—I submit it to your consideration, fully perswaded that you do not want inclination to gratify the Marquis’s wishes as far as is consistent with our National honor. (1)

1 George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 31 March 1783, Founders Online, National Archives, accessed March 27, 2025, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-10968.

Find the Washington & Hamilton in New York tour and other New York Historical Tours at Revolutionary Tours NYC

George Washington’s Real Right Hand Man

September 23, 2023 Tags: , , ,
George Washington and William Lee

While some may consider Alexander Hamilton George Washington’s “Right Hand Man,” the more compelling choice is William Lee, the African American enslaved valet who served Washington for approximately twenty years, including over seven years of the Revolutionary War. (1) From helping the command-in-chief arrange his personal business, to delivering dispatches, to assisting with sartorial tasks, to accompanying Washington on fox hunts, Lee was the ever-present assistant. (1)

In the 1780s, Lee suffered a number of falls that affected his knees. Washington noted in his diary, April 22, 1785, “My Servant William (one of the Chain Carriers) fell, and broke the pan of his knee wch. put a stop to my Surveying; & with much difficulty I was able to get him to Abingdon, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither Walk, stand, or ride. . . ” (2) When Washington became president in 1789, Lee travelled from Mount Vernon to serve Washington in New York City. On his way to the new capital, Lee needed took a detour in Philadelphia to be fitted with a steel brace. Tobias Lear, Washinton’s secretary, wrote that if Lee “is still anxious to come on here the President would gratify him altho’ he will be troublesome. He has been an old & faithful servant. This is enough for the Presidt to grafiy him in every reasonable wish. . . ” (3) Washington’s loyalty was evident, but Lee’s loyalty to his enslaver, was even more so. Due to his injuries, in the summer of 1790, Lee returned to Virginia to serve as the Mount Vernon cobbler. (4)

In George Washington’s will, William Lee is the only enslaved person freed on his death. Washington also left him with a $30 annuity. “And to my Mulatto man William,” Washington wrote, “I give immediate freedom; or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which ha[v]e befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so.” (5) Washington continued, “This I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the Revolutionary War.” (6). Lee was it seemed, Washington’s right hand man. See above for John Trumbull’s 1780 painting, “George Washington,” with the general accompanied by William Lee.

  1. “William (Billy) Lee,” George Washington’s Mount Vernon Digital Encyclopedia, https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/william-billy-lee/.
  2. George Washington, “Diary of George Washington (April 22, 1785),” Encyclopedia Virginia: Virginia Humanities, https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/diary-of-george-washington-april-22-1785/.
  3. “William Lee,” Encyclopedia Virginia: Virginia Humanities, https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/lee-william-fl-1768-1810/.
  4. Ibid.
  5. George Washington, “George Washington’s Last Will and Testament (July 9, 1799),” Encyclopedia Virginia: Virginia Humanities, https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/george-washingtons-last-will-and-testament-july-9-1799/.
  6. Ibid.

The Appeal for The Central Park

February 16, 2023
Best Central Park Walking Tour

On August 19, 1853, the mayor, aldermen, and commonality of the City of New York announced an appeal to the state’s Supreme Court for the “opening and layout” of a “public place between 59th and 106th Streets and Fifth and Eighth Avenues in the [uptown] 12th, 19th, and 22nd Wards.”[1]  Earnest appeals for a public park first surfaced in 1844, when William Cullen Bryant—poet, journalist, and editor of the New-York Evening Post—called for an “extensive pleasure ground” in New York City, and one that matched “the greatness of our metropolis.”[2]  “Commerce is devouring inch by inch the coast of the island,” Bryant warned, “and if we would rescue any part of it for health and recreation, it must be done now.”[3]  “The only objection which we can see,” he prognosticated, “would be the difficulty of persuading the owners of the soil to part with it.”[4]  That remark proved to be prescient. 

            Four years later, Andrew Jackson Downing echoed the call for a park.  Downing was the foremost landscape designer in the young nation, a drafter of the prodigious grounds of the White House and the Smithsonian, and a contributor to the design of the Washington Mall.  The ambitious Downing also had his designs on New York City.  “What are called parks in New-York,” he scoffed, “are not even apologies for the thing.” [5]  A well-designed park in the divided and frenetic city would, he claimed, “soften and humanize the rude . . . and give continual education to the educated,” and thereby serve all classes.[6]  A park, he noted, could unite the class-conscious and divided city.

            The first plan for an urban oasis in 1853, was a $1.5 million conversion of a 153-acre privately owned plot of land.[7]  Jones Wood, as it was called, was on the East River between Sixty-Sixth and Seventy-Seventh Streets.[8]  It belonged to two affluent families, the Jones and Schermerhorns, so vehemently opposed to a coerced acquisition through eminent domain that they appealed to the courts.[9]  William C. Schermerhorn asserted that eminent domain was a “persecution” of him and his family.[10]  The government’s role, he argued, was to safeguard, not seize his private property.

            A New York County judge declared the bill to acquire Jones Woods unconstitutional.[11]  While some leaders continued their advocacy, others set their sights on a larger, more central location on the border of communities known as Harlem, Bloomingdale, and Yorkville—comprised mainly of immigrants and African Americans.[12]  The 778-acre rugged, swampy land was enormous, more than five times the size of Jones Wood.  Many believed the land could be acquired and converted into a spectacular parkland for roughly the same $1.5 million cost.[13]  Moreover, 135 acres already belonged to the Municipal Corporation of New York, and the rest could be acquired through the state’s right of eminent domain.[14] 

            The new Central Park board insisted that under eminent domain, the “citizen” is protected from “injustice.”[15]  “He is,” they continued,” protected in the enjoyment of his property, unless the public needs it.”[16]  Unlike the Jones and Schermerhorns who fought the surrender of Jones Woods, the African Americans and immigrants inhabiting the future Central Park—including those in Seneca Village—had little access to the court system to fight the justification of that  “need.”

[1] “Handbill declaring the intended construction of Central Park,” in “Seneca Village: A Teacher’s Guide Using Primary Sources in the Classroom,” New-York Historical Society, 2010, 13, Collection of The New York City Municipal Archives, Bureau of Old Records, https://nyhs-prod.cdn.prismic.io/nyhs-prod/05a15797-cc2c-4360-a804-0bae8d3cec80_Seneca_Village_NYHS.pdf.

[2] William Cullen Bryant, “A New Public Park,” Evening Post (New York, NY) July 3, 1844, 2, https://newscomwc.newspapers.com/image/32119902.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Andrew Jackson Downing, Rural Essays (New York: Leavitt & Allen, 1853), 485, Google Books, 2009, https://www.google.com/books/edition/Rural_Essays/MSa8zQEACAAJ?hl=en.

[6] Ibid., 142.

[7] Rosenzweig and Blackmar, Park and the People, 45.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid., 45–49.

[10] Ibid., 50.

[11] Ibid. 50–53.

[12] Ibid., 60; Sara Cedar Miller, Before Central Park (New York: Columbia University Press, 2022), 193, Kindle; “A small branch” of the Methodist African Union met in the area slightly before 1846, but “with no distinct organization” of note. See: Jonathan Greenleaf, History of the Churches of All Denominations in the City of New York (New York: E. French, 1846), 328, HathiTrust, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc2.ark:/13960/t05x27q2p&view=1up&seq=5.

[13] Rosenzweig and Blackmar, Park and the People, 59.

[14] Ibid., 45; Besides the 135 acres of public land which accommodated a receiving reservoir, the rest belonged to 561 landowners.  Twenty percent of the property belonged to only three families.  The 34,000 lots ended up costing $5 million—more than three times the estimated $1.5 million cost for the entire park, including land and construction. See: Burrows and Wallace, Gotham, 792.

[15] “Report of Special Committee on Public Parks, January 2, 1852,” in First Annual Report on the Improvement of Central Park (New York: Chas. W. Baker, Printer, 1857), 104, Historical Vital Records of New York City, http://nyc.gov/html/records/pdf/govpub/4055annual_report_manhattan_central_park_1857.pdf.

[16] Ibid.

Alexander Hamilton’s Last Letter to John Laurens

August 16, 2022 Tags: , , , ,
Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens

South Carolina’s Revolutionary abolitionist, Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, was Alexander Hamilton’s closest friend. On August 15, 1782, two years after they fought together at the victorious Battle of Yorktown, Hamilton wrote to Laurens with news of his delegation to Congress and a desire to convince Laurens to join him in realizing their mutual political objectives in the newly independent United States. It is not likely that Laurens ever read that letter as he was sadly killed at the Battle of the Combahee River on August 27, 1782.

To Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens

[Albany, August 15, 1782]

I received with great Pleasure, My Dear Laurens, the letter which you wrote me in last.

Your wishes in one respect are gratified; this state has pretty unanimously delegated me to Congress. My time of service commences in November. It is not probable it will result in what you mention. I hope it is too late. We have great reason to flatter ourselves peace on our own terms is upon the carpet. The making it is in good hands. It is said your father is exchanged for Cornwallis and gone to Paris to meet the other commissioners and that Grenville on the part of England has made a second trip there, in the last instance, vested with Plenipotentiary powers.

I fear there may be obstacles but I hope they may be surmounted.

Peace made, My Dear friend, a new scene opens. The object then will be to make our independence a blessing. To do this we must secure our union on solid foundations; an herculean task and to effect which mountains of prejudice must be levelled!

It requires all the virtue and all the abilities of the Country. Quit your sword my friend, put on the toga, come to Congress. We know each others sentiments, our views are the same: we have fought side by side to make America free, let us hand in hand struggle to make her happy.

Remember me to General Greene with all the warmth of a sincere attachment.

Yrs for ever

A Hamilton

Albany Aug. 15. 1782

After hearing the news of Lauren’s death, Hamilton wrote to Major General Nathanael Greene on October 12, 1782:

“I feel the deepest affliction at the news we have just received of the loss of our dear and ⟨inesti⟩mable friend Laurens. His career of virtue is at an end. How strangely are human affairs conducted, that so many excellent qualities could not ensure a more happy fate? The world will feel the loss of a man who has left few like him behind, and America of a citizen whose heart realized that patriotism of which others only talk. I feel the loss of a friend I truly and most tenderly loved, and one of a very small number.” (2)

  1. Alexander Hamilton, “From Alexander Hamilton to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, 15 August 1782,” National Archives Founders Online, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0058.
  2. Alexander Hamilton, “From Alexander Hamilton to Major General Nathanael Greene, 12 October 1782,” National Archives Founders Online, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-03-02-0090.

Martha Washington’s Comments on George’s Presidency, 1789

June 7, 2022 Tags: , , ,
Best Revolutionary War Tour NYC

In a heartfelt letter to Mercy Otis Warren written in New York City on December 26, 1789, Martha Washington expresses her inner feelings about her husband becoming president.

MY DEAR MADAM,

Your very friendly letter of the 27th of last month has afforded me much more satisfaction than all the formal compliments and empty ceremonies of mere etiquette could possibly have done. I am not apt to forget the feelings that have been inspired by my former society with good acquaintances, nor to be insensible to their expressions of gratitude to the President of the United States; for you know me well enough to do me the justice to believe that I am only fond of what comes from the heart.

Under a conviction that the demonstrations of respect and affection which have been made to the President originate from that source, I cannot deny that I have taken some interest and pleasure in them. The difficulties which presented themselves to view on his first entering upon the Presidency seem thus to be in some measure surmounted. It is owing to this kindness of our numerous friends in all quarters, that my new and unwish’d-for situation is not indeed a burden to me. When I was much younger, I should, probably, have enjoyed the innocent gaities of life as much as most of my age; but I had long since placed all the prospects of my future worldly happiness in the still enjoyments of the fireside at Mount Vernon.

I little thought, when the war was finished, that any circumstances could possibly have happened which would call the General into public life again. I had anticipated that from this moment we should have been left to grow old in solitude and tranquility together. That was, my dear madam, the first and dearest wish of my heart; but in that I have been disappointed. I will not, however, contemplate with too much regret disappointments that were inevitable. Though the General’s feelings and my own were perfectly in unison with respect to our predelection for private life, yet I cannot blame him for having acted according to his ideas of duty in obeying the voice of his country. The consciousness of having attempted to do all the good in his power, and the pleasure of finding his fellow-citizens so well satisfied with the disinterestedness of his conduct, will doubtless be some compensation for the great sacrifices which I know he has made. Indeed, in his journeys from Mount Vernon to this place,—in his late tour through the Eastern States,—by every public and every private information which has come to him,—I am persuaded that he has experienced nothing to make him repent his having acted from what he conceived to be alone a sense of indispensable duty. On the contrary, all his sensibility has been awakened in receiving such repeated and unequivocal proofs of sincere regard from all his countrymen.

With respect to myself, I sometimes think the arrangement is not quite as it ought to have been; that I, who had much rather be at home, should occupy a place with which a great many younger and gayer women would be prodigiously pleased.

As my grandchildren and my domestic connections made up a great portion of the felicity which I looked for in this world, I shall hardly be able to find any substitute that would indemnify me for the loss of a part of such endearing society. I do not say this because I feel dissatisfied with my present situation. No. God forbid! for every body and every thing conspire to make me as contented as possible in it. Yet I know too much of the vanity of human affairs to expect felicity from the splendid scenes of public life. I am still determined to be cheerful and to be happy, in whatever situation I may be; for I have also learned from experience that the greater part of our happiness or misery depends upon our dispositions, and not upon our circumstances. We carry the seeds of the one or the other about with us, in our minds, wherever we go.

I have two of my grandchildren with me, who enjoy advantages in point of education, and who, I trust, by the goodness of Providence, will continue to be a great blessing to me. My other two grandchildren are with their mother in Virginia.

The President’s health is quite re-established by his little journey. Mine is much better than it used to be. I am sorry to hear that General Warren has been ill: hope, before this time, that he may be entirely recovered. We should rejoice to see you both. To both I wish the best of Heaven’s blessings, and am,

My dear madam,

With esteem and regard,

Your friend and hble sert,

M. WASHINGTON. (1)

  1. Martha Washington, “Letter from Martha Washington to Mrs. General Warren, New York, December 26, 1789,” American Historical and Literary Curiosities, Part 12, ed. John Jay Smith (New York: Charles B. Richardson, 1860), Project Gutenberg, 2004, last accessed June 7, 2022, https://www.gutenberg.org/files/7912/7912-h/7912-h.htm.